By Peter McPhee

This quantity presents an authoritative synthesis of modern paintings at the social heritage of France and is now completely revised and up to date to hide the 'long 19th century' from 1789-1914. Peter McPhee deals either a readable narrative and a particular, coherent argument approximately this century. McPhee explores subject matters resembling peasant interplay with the surroundings, the altering event of labor and rest, the character of crime and protest, altering demographic styles and relatives constitution, the non secular practices of employees and peasants, and the ideology and inner repercussions of colonisation.

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By removing obstacles to economic freedom – guilds and controls on the grain trade – and by encouraging agricultural ‘improvement’ and enclosures, the economic wealth would be created which would underpin the ‘progress’ of civil liberties. 37 In these terms the Enlightenment does appear as a class-based ideology. But what was the social incidence of its readership? It is in this area, of the social history of the Enlightenment, that historians have moved closest to assessing the cultural changes of the 1770s and 1780s.

While an English bicameral system was repudiated because of deep mistrust of the nobility, Louis was left with a suspensive veto (though not on finance or the constitution) and extensive executive powers. The ambiguity of the Declaration of the Rights of Man was resolved by excluding women and ‘passive’ male citizens, those – perhaps 40 per cent of adult men – paying less than three days’ labour in taxes, and by imposing sharp property qualifications on those eligible to be electors and deputies.

However, their veracity as statements of popular attitudes is often restricted: not only did the number of those participating in their drafting vary widely, in many cases model cahiers were circulated through the countryside from towns, even if frequently added to or adapted at a local level. In any case, people were being consulted about reform proposals, not about whether they wanted a revolution. In rural communities, the economically dependent were also acutely aware of the potential costs of being outspoken about noble privilege: in the impoverished little village of Erceville, north of Orléans, the third-estate meeting was presided over by the local judge employed by the seigneur, a prominent member of the parlement of Paris whose holdings covered most of the parish (not surprisingly, his tenants stayed away from the meeting).

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