By Frank Musgrove

This is often the tale of a tender man's access into the struggle in 1941 and culminates in his flying at the bombing raid to Dresden in February 1945. this isn't a gung-ho account of flying with Bomber Command yet nor is it a breast-beating avowal of guilt. those memoirs take the shape of a uncomplicated narrative of the author's RAF occupation and pay specific realization to worry, morale and, because the writer explains, the parable of management. a number of raids are defined intimately and illustrate the range of expertise, difficulties and hazards fascinated about such detrimental struggle. So, approximately 60 years after his dramatic reviews, how does he view the bombing of factories and towns and the inevitable grave ethical matters that experience slowly and insidiously crept up on him ? the reply will shock many more youthful and older readers.

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By their nature, these commitments tended to be short-term and 'prudential', motivated by a sense of specific advantage rather than by an ideology of control or a practice of conquest although that did not preclude a growing practice of territorialization nor projects for widespread conquest. 8 A European emphasis on trade can be seen elsewhere, including on the west coast ofMrica and around Hudson Bay in northern Canada. In each case, Europeans sought to exploit economic resources, such as slaves, gum arabic and furs, that could only be obtained if natives were willing to trade with them.

The bellicosity of the regime was an element, as was a perception of the likely response of other powers. 69 Saddam sought short and predictable wars, rather as Louis XIV and Hitler had done; but each was to find the conflicts he started difficult to contain. Equally, they were ready to use force against domestic opponents, or indeed elements of their population they thought hostile or unwelcome. This was true of Louis XIV and the Huguenots (French Protestants), Hitler and the]ev/s, and Saddam and the Kurds.

Tim Blanning has argued that the reciprocal nature ofwar is crucial, that the victim of a predator has the option of submitting and avoiding war, and that both sides can exercise reason. In common with Geoffrey Blainey, whom he praises, Blanning has also claimed that the decision to prefer war to peace is taken by the two parties concerned because they have different assessments of their respective power. 47 Such assessments can include a (mis)understanding of the international system, in particular the nature of alliances.

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