By Christoph Auffarth, Loren Stuckenbruck

The autumn of the angels is likely one of the biblical narratives which, mainly within the heritage of the bible’s reception, have built a unprecedented impression: within the biblical canon they seem simply as tricks (Gen. 6; Isaiah 14; Apocalypse 12). Little challenge for the textual content in addition to a convention and reception now not lined via the canon makes the narrative develop and alter significantly, in addition to freely negotiate within the renowned media of iconography, liturgy and theatre. As a accomplished narrative the autumn of the angels appears to be like merely within the literature of the apocalyptic stream. The so-called Henoch culture offers revelations concerning the cosmos and the secrets and techniques of Heaven and Earth. via this secret our current international is coded as a conflict among reliable and evil.

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Robert, Hellenica 7 (1949) 50–4 and 10 (1955) 12. 44 jan n. 58 Kronos’ connection to a human sacrifice was not uncommon. 61 In all these cases we may assume the influence of Kronos’ mythical devouring of his children; in fact, 54 According to Burkert, Kleine Schriften II, 158, the festival also spread to Cyrene, but his source Macrobius (Sat. 25) refers to the Saturnalia, not the Kronia, since he explains: mellis et fructuum repertorem Saturnum aestimantes. 55 [Plutarch], Hom. 2, 163. ; B. D. Meritt and J.

R. Scodel has argued that the ideas in this fragment are in fact more suitable to a cosmic destruction than to the Trojan War: A war, no matter how long and how bitter, does not seem calamitous enough to have been an original form of the myth of destruction; it is, moreover, a normally human and local activity . . 67 If it is plausible that this motive for the Trojan War (and there are others, including Zeus’ intent to reduce overpopulation, reminiscent of Enlil’s motive in Atrahasis)68 is related to Near Eastern traditions, in which Gen 6:1–4 and the flood stories are mutually implicated.

46 See the recent translation of A. George, The Epic of Gilgamesh (New York, 1999); and the edition of S. Parpola, The Standard Babylonian Epic of Gilgamesh (SAACT 1; Helsinki, 1997). 47 See J. H. Tigay, The Evolution of the Gilgamesh Epic (Philadelphia, 1982) 150–60. 28 ronald hendel used to describe Gilgamesh in Gilg. 48 Royalty is rounded with divinity in Mesopotamian political ideology, as it is elsewhere in the ancient Near East. It is entirely possible that the unknown legends of the Nephilim have something to do with stories of such ancient semidivine warrior-kings.

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