By Michael Agelasto, Bob Adamson

This booklet appears to be like past the articulated targets and accomplishments of the modernization of upper schooling in China. It delves into the grass roots fact and identifies the genuine achievements, the accidental results and the key stumbling blocks that also must be overcome.

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Third, one or more of the top leaders must enthusiastically support 34 CAO Xiaonan a major policy in order to overcome the bureaucratic impasse at lower levels. Generally, analysts conclude that consensus building is central to the Chinese policy process. 26 These characteristics are manifested in the policy processes relating to the strategic role of faculty development and management in higher education during the reform period. Since the late 1970s, the PRC's leaders have forcefully and consistently argued that the goal of modernization rests in part on education and its reform.

6 In 1994, only 401 institutions offered accredited Master's programmes; 198 offered doctoral programmes? Institutions, however, may offer postgraduate programmes which do not lead to degrees. Students in these programmes are still known as research students and they receive a diploma upon graduation. Such programmes are mostly at Master's level. Master's studies, normally full-time, last for three years with heavy coursework in the first two years and a dissertation to follow. Doctoral studies are also normally full-time over three years, again with substantial coursework.

Localization of institutions. Introduction of student fees One of the crucial moves in higher education reform is towards fee-charging. This is related to the system of university entrance. University entrance is very much controlled by the nationwide Unified Examination for University Entrance, which is often conveniently referred to as gaokao. This is the most significant screening throughout the entire education system in the PRC. Shanghai was the first place which opted out from the national system.

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