By Dominic Kelly (auth.)

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53 Far more important as a guide to her intellectual philosophy are the questions she asks. 54 Historical Materialism, World Order and ‘New IPE’ Theory 27 This statement may seem practical and pragmatic, and it may not have the emotional force of Cox’s prose, but its meaning is very close indeed. There is a difference in degree, perhaps, but not ultimately in intent: she does after all raise the key issue of eventual political outcomes. There is thus very strong evidence that the work of these two scholars is directed towards the same object of study and the same emancipatory goal.

43 Indeed, Part III of the book is designed to introduce the moreoften-than-not unintended international effects accompanying domestic efforts by the Japanese hegemonic class to re-configure the existing historic bloc in the light of its fracturing under the pressures exerted by failing US hegemony and the globalisation of economic activity. In order, therefore, for us to be able to apply the knowledge we will gain 24 Theory of the Japanese state–society complex through the Coxian method of historic structures to an analysis of the impacts of the domestic changes now underway in Japan as they bring about the regionalisation of East Asia (perhaps under Japanese hegemony), we need to find a way of by-passing, or of at least mitigating, the problems inherent within his concept of hegemony.

When comparing states, the size and dynamism of the national economy and the number and type of weapons systems in a state’s possession are taken as reliable indicators of relative national power. In combination, these lend a state less tangible but still undeniable benefits in the form of political power exercised through traditional diplomatic channels and through membership of international organisations. Thus, in order to achieve ‘hegemony’ one state must be clearly dominant in economic and military terms over all others in the international system.

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