By Jim Thompson

Adjoint du shérif de crucial urban, Lou apprend que le fils Conway, cet fool d'Elmer, s'est amouraché de Joyce, une prostituée installée à l'orée du canton. l. a. bourgade texane est sous l. a. coupe du père Conway, shopper d'une grosse entreprise du bâtiment. Lou garde une dent contre lui : il le soupçonne d'avoir ordonné l. a. mort de son frère Mike et maquillé le meurtre en coincidence. Aussi lorsque le vieux Conway le cost de faire déguerpir Joyce moyennant 10 000 money, Lou a en tête un tout autre plan : il confie à Elmer cette besogne pour les éliminer ensuite tous les deux sur position, en faisant croire qu'ils se sont entretués.
Ambiance glauque d'un village perdu, personnages retors et pervers, rapports à double tranchant où personne n'est dupe et où chacun essaie d'abuser son prochain, toutes les obsessions de Jim Thompson se retrouvent dans ce livre à l'âme plus noire que le pétrole texan. Un Thompson au sommet de son artwork : implacable, machiavélique, brutal. --Nicolas Mesplède --Ce texte fait référence à une édition épuisée ou non disponible de ce titre.

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Trained as a lawyer at the Universities of Orle´ans and Bourges, Calvin’s legal background which immersed him deeply in Christian humanist scholarship would play a major role in shaping the thought and ideas of this would-be reformer. Unlike Luther, who was not a product of a Christian humanist education, Calvin was enamored with classical learning in the same way that Lefe`vre d’Etaples was in Meaux. Calvin had written a humanist commentary on a treatise of Seneca in 1532, which had given him some small degree of notoriety among French humanists.

It was in the midst of this ‘Gallican crisis’ in 1551 that anti-papal, pro-Gallican rhetoric reached its apex, including Jean du Tillet’s ‘On the liberties of the Gallican church’ cited at the beginning of this chapter. With the recent defection of England, where the succession of Edward VI in 1547 only further undermined the Catholic church by formally adopting Protestant doctrine and a state church, further division could only weaken Catholic efforts to combat a growing Protestant menace throughout Christendom.

In short, all those who in exercising precise trades and minute techniques developed within themselves a temperament inclined to seek practical solutions . . all had equal need of a clear, reasonably human and gently fraternal religion which would serve as their light support. Thus Febvre’s social foundation of the Reformation was a far cry from Hauser’s urban proletariat composed of ‘mechanics’. 34 During the past three decades, however, historians interested in the social history of the Reformation have managed to go far beyond these older approaches of Hauser and Febvre.

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