By Bibek Debroy

The Mahabharata is without doubt one of the maximum tales ever advised. although the fundamental plot is well known, there's even more to the epic than the dispute among the Kouravas and Pandavas that resulted in the conflict in Kurukshetra. It has innumerable sub-plots that accommodate attention-grabbing meanderings and digressions, and it has hardly ever been translated in complete, given its ambitious size of 80,000 shlokas or couplets. This excellent 10- quantity unabridged translation of the epic is predicated at the serious version compiled on the Bhandarkar Oriental examine Institute.

Volume 1 includes so much of Adi Parva, within which a lot occurs sooner than the Kouravas and the Pandavas truly arrive at the scene. This quantity covers the origins of the Kuru extended family; the tales of Poushya, Poulama and Astika; the births of the Kouravas and the Pandavas; the home of lac; the slaying of Hidimba and Baka; Droupadi’s marriage; and ends with the Pandavas acquiring their proportion of the kingdom.

Every possible human emotion figures within the Mahabharata, explanation why the epic maintains to carry sway over our mind's eye. during this lucid, nuanced and assured translation, Bibek Debroy makes the Mahabharata marvellouly available to modern readers.

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The term “Dravidian” refers to the politicized racial identity counterposed to the “Aryan” one in southern India, particularly in what is now the state of Tamil Nadu. In this narrative, c. 6 The Dalit identity is comparatively new in Tamil Nadu (compared to western or northern India), because the anti-Brahmin movement was successful in positing the Dravidian (OBC) identity as the universal non/antiBrahmin one, subsuming Dalits within it. Over the 1990s, though, a strong Dalit critique of the Dravidian movement has emerged, with sharply polemical exchanges between Dalits and non-Brahmins (Dravidians) becoming “endemic” in Tamil politics (Pandian 2007: 233–44).

Once the Mandal Commission Report was implemented and there was a veritable clamor for inclusion in reservations by all kinds of groups claiming historical disadvantage, this became a kind of self-fulfilling game. The more substantive issues that needed to be dealt with, if the Mandal recommendations were to be implemented, gave way to this logic of the electoral calculations. The recent move is one such instance where an opportunist gamble was played. The extreme and near hysterical reactions from the privileged upper-caste sections to such demands has prevented any reasonable debate and a dispassionate engagement with the demands of social justice in the public arena.

As Amita Baviskar points out, however, in a situation of widespread dispossession of tribal people, we are forced to consider the possibility that there are many routes to tribal power, “including the path of affiliating with Hindu supremacists” (Baviskar 2005: 5109). There is also no doubt that Hindutvavaadi organizations have launched creative initiatives among these communities. For instance, in Uttar Pradesh, Badri Narayan has traced 40 | Two the manner in which the RSS and BJP have searched out Dalit heroes of the past, constructing them as “warring identities against Muslim invaders” and relocating them within the broader project of constructing memories of a “Hindu” identity stretching back for time immemorial (Narayan 2006).

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