By D. M. G. Sutherland

This can be a learn of faction, lynching, homicide, terror and counter-terror through the French Revolution. It examines factionalism in small cities like Aubagne close to Marseille, and the way this produced the murders and criminal massacres of 1795-8. one other significant subject is the convergence of lynching from less than with legit Terror from above. even if the fear can have been designed to resolve a countrywide emergency within the spring of 1793, in southern France it approved one faction to proceed a fight opposed to its enemies, a fight that had started previous over neighborhood concerns like taxation and governance. It makes use of the ideas of micro-history to inform the tale of the small city of Aubagne. It then extends the scope to areas within sight like Marseille, Arles, and Aix-en-Provence. alongside the way in which, it illuminates general subject matters just like the job of golf equipment and progressive tribunals after which explores principally unexamined components like lynching, the sociology of faction, the emergence of theories of violent fraternal democracy, and the character of the White Terror.

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Extra resources for Murder in Aubagne: Lynching, Law, and Justice during the French Revolution

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The mean tax there was half that of the town proper. This section also had the reputation in the Revolution as the most loyally Jacobin. Furthermore, artisans, whether they lived in the terroir or not, were as badly off as the peasants. In other words, working people, most of whom worked with their hands, constituted about 80 percent of the population but had just over half the wealth. Women among the working people were not particularly worse off than the men. Their mean and median tax payments were scarcely different.

2 The Olive Festival The story begins in the late winter of 1791–2 with a festival. 1 It is a remarkable fact that almost all those who attended the fˆete des olliviers in Aubagne that year were associated with the murderers three years later, while those who tried to prevent it, the municipality, the Jacobin club, and others, were prominent among the victims. Indeed, the most spectacular victim of the Year III (1795) was Jean-Baptiste Domergue, the mayor of Aubagne three years before. He went to great lengths to disperse the fˆete.

Reinforcing relationships through godparenting would be logical. Without a list of members, this is impossible to know, however. Business relations among the brothers would make sense also, and some of these suggest very longstanding family relationships with a particular confraternity. For instance, in the early eighteenth century, the officers of the Black Penitents signed a contract with Marc-Antoine R´emuzat to inspect some masonry work. His great grandson, Andr´e, son of another Marc-Antoine, also a prosperous mason, was a member of the Federalist neighborhood watch committee in 1793.

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