By Nivedita Menon
This booklet is the right creation to India's advanced inner histories and exterior strength family on the grounds that 1989, a date which marks the unraveling of India's post-independence "Nehruvian Consensus" round the inspiration of a self-reliant glossy, secular kingdom. whereas worldwide fiscal integration has ended in clash among the kingdom and dispossessed humans, it has additionally enabled new areas for political statement, reminiscent of round sexuality. Older demanding situations to the kingdom proceed in Kashmir and the North-East, whereas Maoist insurgency has deepened its bases. In a global of yank Empire, India as a nuclear strength has deserted non-alignment, a shift that's contested by way of voices inside. energy and Contestation indicates that the turbulence and turmoil of this era are indicators of India's persevered vibrancy and democracy.
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Additional resources for Power and Contestation: India since 1989
The term “Dravidian” refers to the politicized racial identity counterposed to the “Aryan” one in southern India, particularly in what is now the state of Tamil Nadu. In this narrative, c. 6 The Dalit identity is comparatively new in Tamil Nadu (compared to western or northern India), because the anti-Brahmin movement was successful in positing the Dravidian (OBC) identity as the universal non/antiBrahmin one, subsuming Dalits within it. Over the 1990s, though, a strong Dalit critique of the Dravidian movement has emerged, with sharply polemical exchanges between Dalits and non-Brahmins (Dravidians) becoming “endemic” in Tamil politics (Pandian 2007: 233–44).
Once the Mandal Commission Report was implemented and there was a veritable clamor for inclusion in reservations by all kinds of groups claiming historical disadvantage, this became a kind of self-fulﬁlling game. The more substantive issues that needed to be dealt with, if the Mandal recommendations were to be implemented, gave way to this logic of the electoral calculations. The recent move is one such instance where an opportunist gamble was played. The extreme and near hysterical reactions from the privileged upper-caste sections to such demands has prevented any reasonable debate and a dispassionate engagement with the demands of social justice in the public arena.
As Amita Baviskar points out, however, in a situation of widespread dispossession of tribal people, we are forced to consider the possibility that there are many routes to tribal power, “including the path of afﬁliating with Hindu supremacists” (Baviskar 2005: 5109). There is also no doubt that Hindutvavaadi organizations have launched creative initiatives among these communities. For instance, in Uttar Pradesh, Badri Narayan has traced 40 | Two the manner in which the RSS and BJP have searched out Dalit heroes of the past, constructing them as “warring identities against Muslim invaders” and relocating them within the broader project of constructing memories of a “Hindu” identity stretching back for time immemorial (Narayan 2006).
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