By Jennifer Schirmer
Guatemala has lengthy been well-known as one of many nations affliction egregious violations of human rights. A imperative actor has been the army, which has exercised powerful keep an eye on even during times of formal civilian authority.In The Guatemalan army venture, Jennifer Schirmer sheds mild at the military's function in Guatemala via a sequence of in depth interviews remarkable of their brutal frankness and revealing of the nature of the oppressors. High-ranking officials clarify of their personal phrases their recommendations and emotions concerning competition, nationwide safety doctrine, democracy, human rights, and legislations. extra interviews with congressional deputies, Guatemalan legal professionals, newshounds, social scientists, or even an ex-president provide an entire and vibrant account of the Guatemalan energy constitution and ruling system.Successfully combining army, political, and cultural research with a major therapy of felony and human rights issues, this ebook will entice someone attracted to the conversion from struggle to peace in Latin the USA and worldwide.
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Extra info for The Guatemalan Military Project: A Violence Called Democracy
1984: 41). This pattern of explicitly military elections and governance eviscerated political institutions and political life through the 1970s and into the 1980s. But during the Lucas Garcia regime, repression by state-controlled death squads and counterinsurgency patrols rapidly began to have a negative effect on the military as an institution as well. Arbitrary slaughter —paramilitary activity, summary executions, kidnappings, and forced disappearances, leaving eight hundred bodies a month on the streets —was becoming increasingly counterproductive.
Colonel Carlos Paz Tejada, who replaced Arana as Chief of Staff, explains in an interview forty years later: In practice, the Consejo was deliberative, a species of assembly where the military made politics —the politics of the Army. " These provisions (which also appear in the 1985 Constitution), are so abstract, so nonelaborated as to allow arbitrary and even contradictory application. Furthermore, because the General Staff was added to the 1945 Constitution post hoc, it came to be seen as autonomous from and effectively above civilian law.
The military had managed to retain its institutionality against its first caudillo crisis since Ubico. S. S. involvement in Rios Montt's overthrow was widely reported in the Guatemalan press. The Council of Commanders selected General Mejia for both institutional and ideological continuity: as a general, he would not only maintain the continuity of the Pacification campaign, but "return Guatemala to a regime of legality" (Andrade, 1991 interview); also, he represented an ultraconservative tendency within the army that tried (unsuccessfully) to repair the damaged ties with the latifundistas.
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