By Ayesha Jalal

Whilst the British dismantled their Raj in 1947 India, because the 'successor' country, inherited the colonial unitary significant equipment while Pakistan, because the 'seceding' kingdom, had no semblance of a relevant govt. within the country of Martial Rule Ayesha Jalal analyses the dialectic among nation building and political techniques in Pakistan within the first decade of the country's independence and convincingly demonstrates how the imperatives of the foreign approach within the 'cold conflict' period mixed with neighborhood and household elements to mold the constitution of the Pakistani nation. The learn concludes by way of putting the nation and political advancements in Pakistan due to the fact that 1958 inside a conceptual framework. will probably be learn by way of historians of South Asia and by means of scholars and experts of comparative politics and political economic system.

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1 8 It was decided tpat . each dominion would assume control of p roperty within its territory after 1 5 August. With some reluctance the Indian representatives agreed to provide financial compensation for certain categories of stores and ·unique' institutions which could no t be duplicated. 1 9 But, even with this concession, · Pakistan' ·had to face the prospect of paying cash for. machinery to .. build a printing press, an ordnance factory and other vital establishments. This was one reason why .

Until agreement could be reached on how Britain would release the sterling balances it owed to the government of India - estimated to be some £ 1 , 1 60 million in August I 947 - Pakistan was to have no independent foreign exchange reserves. Its foreign exchange earnings from raw jute and raw cotton, both of which were manufactured for export in factories located in India, as well as its share of the initial releases of sterling by London were to be held jointly with the government of India in · a common pool at the reserve bank.

He had been disturbed by rumours of a Congress inspired military coup d'etat to quash the League's movement for Pakistan. 2·9 So he told Mountbatten . that he would happily consider a commCln defence arrangement, " but only after Pakistan had been granted its full share of the Indian army and was given parity with Congress inside a common defence organisation. 30 Liaquat Ali Khan was more direct While he had shown undisguised enthusiasm for Mountbatten's proposal for a common defence arrangement which would be financed by the two states in proportion to the size of their respective armies, 3 1 he later qualified 'this with the revealing assertion that a Pakistan without an army would 'collapse like a house of cards'.

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